The Future of the Gorge
And Now, the Main Event: Measure 37 vs. the Gorge Commission
By Dan Richardson, 10-23-06
| The view north from an Oregon hilltop over Lyle, Wash., to Mount Adams. This landscape, with development concentrated into communities and limited outside them, characterizes the Columbia Gorge's Scenic Area — but a court case in the works now challenges that, on the Oregon side of the river. | |
There’s a court case quietly underway that may affect everyone who lives in or has a stake in the Columbia Gorge.
At issue: The future of the preserving — often irritating, sometimes stifling — land-use rules that have kept ambitious land owners from turning the Oregon side of the river into a vast entertainment and housing development.
The case on the docket of the Oregon Court of Appeals is titled the Columbia River Gorge Commission vs. Hood River County, and it’s scheduled for oral arguments on Dec. 7.
We might more accurately call the case Oregonians In Action vs. the Gorge Commission, for those are the real actors here.
In the court case, two Hood River-area property owners say that Oregon’s Measure 37 supercedes the National Scenic Area rules developed by the Gorge Commision. The men, Stephen Struck and Paul Mansur, want to build a few houses on their land; under current rules designed to protect the Gorge from sprawl, they don’t meet minimum lot sizes.
Mansur has just over half an acre he wishes to subdivide into two lots, but under Gorge and Hood River land use rules, he must have a minimum of four acres to do so. Similarly, Struck wishes to subdivide his 6.75 acres into three lots, but the rules call for a 40-acre minimum per lot.
The men are represented by Ross Day, the chief lawyer for Oregonians In Action (OIA).OIA is, of course, the property rights group that successfully pushed for Measure 37 a couple years ago. M-37 says that governments that instituted land-use rules after a property owner acquired his property must either waive those rules, or pay property owners for the value of their would-be developments.
Land-use rules have unarguably preserved the Gorge from hyper-development. They do so by frustrating many property owners’ wishes, though. Land rules are at the heart not just of this case but of Oregon’s future in many aspects, from how the Hood River Valley will developand change, to the possibility of houses on wild Steens Mountain, to the future of agriculture and family farms.
Are Gorge rules voluntary or required?
In the case at hand, OIA laywer Day has raised what might be called the federal question: Measure 37 specifically exempts land use rules that are required to comply with federal law. Rules like those created by the Congressionally approved Columbia River Gorge Commission, say government attorneys. Not so, argue the property rightists — the Gorge Commission has promulgated rules of its own accord, and these must be treated as any other state law.
Bottom line: Does Measure 37 trump the tight land-use regulations in the National Scenic Area?
So the court case isn’t about Mansur and Struck, really. It’s about the entire Oregon side of the Columbia Gorge, every parcel in private ownership here. Property owners have rights. But, in the aggregate, do they have the right to overrun a place with development? How legitimate — or not — is the urge to keep the Gorge from ultimately becoming another Las Vegas-esque strip?
How legitimate is the use of government restrictions to do so?
Besides Struck, Mansur and the OIA, there is also in the court case, either as defendants or respondents (interested parties), are Hood River, Wasco and Multnomah Counties, the state of Oregon, the Columbia River Gorge Commission and the Friends of the Columbia Gorge.
Congress authorized the bi-state Columbia River Gorge Compact between Oregon and Washington which formed the Columbia River Gorge Commission, but the feds did not require the states to create the commission. It was implied and assumed, but not demanded. Congress’s National Scenic Act did require that when (if) the Gorge Commission was formed, it would manage the scenic area under a management plan with nine standards to guide and limit sprawl.
Anything more, argues OIA attorney Day, is voluntary. The Gorge Commission, in other words, is acting beyond what’s absolutely required. This includes minimum lot size rules that keep people like Struck and Mansur from subdividing their property in the Gorge (and, of course, building more houses there).
OIA’s brief in the case asks, “If Congress intended there be minimum parcel sizes in certain areas of the Columbia River Gorge, why didn’t Congress simply place those parcel sizes in the Act itself, much the same way the state of Oregon has done?”
Because the Gorge Commission enacts these rules of its own accord, they must follow Measure 37 in Oregon, argues OIA.
That’s a misreading of the Congressional Act, counters Gorge Commission attorney Jeffrey Litwak in his brief to the appeals court: The National Scenic Area includes instructions, he writes, for the Gorge Commission to create broader rules upholding the nine federally-mandated standards. Also, the Gorge Commission is a bi-state body, not an Oregon state entity subject only to Oregon law, including Measure 37.
The idea that Congress could and should have spelled out specific lot sizes, writes Litwak, is in error. The Congressional Act, he writes, “clearly states that the Management Plan ‘shall include provisions to’ achieve the standards. The Act requires the Commission and Forest Service to develop the Management Plan and land use regulations, and not simply repeat what is already listed in the Act.”
The narrow, vital point
There’s more to the case, of course — a couple hundred pages of legalese, of land use and property rights and interstate governmental precedents. And I’d stake someone dinner at Hood River’s finest restaurant that the case won’t end at the Appeals Court, but will end up at Oregon’s Supreme Court.
Meanwhile, nobody is debating the facts in the case, just a narrow, vital, point of law.
It is actually the same point of law at the heart of the land protections vs. property rights debate: Who takes first place in the competing interests? The property owner (represented by Measure 37), or the neighbors and community (the land use rules)?
Who gets to say how we use, or preserve, this finite amount of space we share?
Because the point of this court case isn’t whether Mansur and Struck get to build a couple new houses. Let me repeat: The point here isn’t about these two. It’s about the next two hundred would-be builders in the Gorge, and the two hundred after them. Is that fair to Struck, and to Mansure? Probably, it isn’t. Land-use restrictions on our liberties sometimes seem heedless of the little guys. But sometimes, the big picture is more important.
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Comments
There was absolutely no reason for gyping landowners out of any chance of legitimate comnpensation in the majority of the Gorge, but our wealthy "Friends" obviously prefer a bureaucratic mess that favors the wealthy who can afford to hire lawyers and planners and thus build about anything they want--while poor locals (like me) are often screwed out of any use of their land.
At the last Senate hearing in DC before the 1986 bill passed (the last time local activists who supported the Gorge getting the National Park System protection given ALL similar landscapes in the country were allowed to testify), I started my testimony by noting that the awful legislation (written by the "Friends" in corporate boardrooms without any input from those of us with expertise in this area) was not an enironmental bill, but rather a lawyers' relief act. Have I again been proven right or what?
Shame on Congress and its phony "Friends" for yet again creating another horrible crisis when there was absolutely no reason for one--while the destruction of the Columbia Gorge continues, literally the worst scandal in the history of national parklands in this country.
The reality is that in 1986 the Republicans controlled the U.S. Senate and President Ronald Reagan’s administration was often more interested in selling off public lands and privatizing national parks than creating new national scenic areas. All relevant environmental groups including Friends of the Columbia Gorge (Friends) fought for the most protective Gorge Act that we could possibly get and it was truly a miracle that the Senate passed meaningful Gorge legislation. It was even more stunning that Reagan was "persuaded" by Senator Mark Hatfield (R-Ore.), then Chair of the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee, to sign into law the National Scenic Area Act against the will of his own Cabinet and advisors. But that's another story for another time.
Measure 37 explicitly exempts requirements of federal law, but federal law already preempts state law where there are conflicting requirements. Federal supremacy exists independent of any acknowledgement in state law. While it is helpful that a state law like Measure 37 exempts federal laws like the National Scenic Area Act, it is not necessary for it to do so.
Besides, the National Scenic Area Act and its implementing rules avoid regulatory takings through careful zoning and also by an administrative process called the “special review rule.” The special review rule is used where a landowner may have lost nearly all economic use of their land due to the National Scenic Area Act. The rule requires the waiver of land use rules or environmental regulations in order to allow an economically beneficial use. Friends prefers payments, rather than waivers, where landowners may have lost the all economic use of their land, but no reliable funding mechanism exists to pay landowners at this time.
To my knowledge, the special review rule has been invoked twice and houses were approved on properties where dwellings were otherwise denied due to adverse resource impacts. The rule requires mitigation to offset any adverse impacts that may result.